State Capitalism makes government budgets less transparent

Last week’s Economist tries to take down ‘state capitalism’, which it describes as an economic growth model where enterprises are ‘backed by the state but behaving like a private-sector multinational.’ This ‘backing’ takes many forms, from state-owned enterprises to significant government share-holding in private firms, to aggressive industrial policy measures such as tax breaks and loan guarantees.

The Economist claims a number of weaknesses in the state capitalism model, such as slower growth and inefficient use of capital and human resources. In addition to these economic orthodoxies, this model poses another set of problems: it makes government finances less transparent. Continue reading

How we will promote aid and budget transparency in Busan

prepared by Paolo de Renzio, Senior Research Fellow at the International Budget Partnership

Open Budget Surveys have repeatedly found that countries that are heavily dependent on foreign aid to finance their budgets tend to have less transparent budget processes, . This might be due to various country characteristics, such as low incomes or weak democratic institutions. But donor behaviour also plays a part, as argued in a recent IBP Briefing Note. The brief highlights the importance of the relationship between donors’ provision of information on aid flows and recipient country governments’ disclosure of budget information to their citizens. In fact, aid transparency and budget transparency are inextricably linked. Budgets in partner countries cannot be made fully transparent without improved aid transparency. Only if donors provide partner countries with sufficient information, compatible with partner country budget systems and schedules, can timely, accurate and comprehensive budget information be made available to citizens of countries receiving aid. This point is also highlighted in the the Dar es Salaam Declaration on Budget Transparency, Accountability and Participation, signed last week by nearly 100 civil society groups.

At the Fourth High-Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness, which will take place in a few days in Busan, South Korea, the transparency theme will have a prominent place. The latest draft of the Busan Outcome Document (the declaration that participating governments will sign at the end of the Forum) covers transparency issues in a number of ways. First, transparency and accountability are recognized as ‘shared principles’ that form the foundation of development cooperation, alongside ownership, results and inclusive partnerships. Second, a whole paragraph (para 22) is devoted to aid transparency commitments, in which donor agencies undertake to make publicly available more information on aid flows, and to implement a common standard for its publication, building among other things on the efforts of the International Aid Transparency Initiative. Third, donors and recipient countries commit to building more transparent public financial management systems and to improving fiscal transparency.

All of these commitments were the outcome of some difficult negotiations, facing resistance from a number of donor governments, including China, Japan and France. Provided they make it through the final discussions, they are very welcome, and represent a significant step forward in recognizing the importance of transparency and accountability as key ingredients of both aid and development effectiveness. The explicit link between aid transparency and budget transparency, however, is not recognized. Luckily, this link will be the focus of a plenary session, which IBP has helped organize and which is supported by a smaller number of like-minded actors, including the governments of Sweden, the US, Rwanda and South Africa, the Collaborative Africa Budget Reform Initiative (CABRI), the World Bank and CSOs like Transparency International and Publish What You Fund. In this session, more ambitious targets and commitments around aid and budget transparency will be discussed, and hopefully agreed.

One of the most important aspects of the discussions at Busan will be to agree on the future international architecture for development cooperation, with a view to overcome the limitations of the OECD/DAC Working Party on Aid Effectiveness, which for too long has been seen as too exclusive a body that does not reflect the role of emerging donors and the need for a more equal partnership between donor and recipient governments. The current draft of the Busan Outcome Document talks about the establishment of a Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation. Ideally, this body should include a specific mechanism for ensuring the transparency-related commitments are monitored and enforced. Such mechanism would also gain from a multi-stakeholder nature, following the example of the Global Initiative for Fiscal Transparency (GIFT), which brings together governments, international organizations and civil society groups in a joint effort to promote fiscal transparency across the world.

The International Budget Partnership will be represented at the Busan Forum, and will report back on what happened.

Watch this space!

What the Open Government Partnership could do

This post was written for the OGP by Warren Krafchik, Director of the IBP.

I am extremely excited about the Open Government Partnership (OGP) and its potential impact on the quality of life of citizens around the world.  We know that there are sufficient public resources available globally to eradicate extreme poverty and inequality.  The problem is the distribution and management of these resources.   Open government practices offer great promise for improving our management of public resources and, therefore, our potential impact on poverty and inequality.

An opportunity for civil society around the world

On Tuesday, 20 September, eight governments will each commit to an action plan to enhance open government in their respective countries.  Approximately 37 other governments will signal their intention to submit similar action plans at a follow-up meeting in Brazil in March 2012.  The launch of the OGP presents a major opportunity for civil society organizations to influence the content and process of these governments’ commitments.  In each partner country, civil society organizations interested in any aspect of open government – including fiscal and extractive revenue transparency and service delivery –should start a conversation with their governments to suggest ambitious and meaningful commitments in these and other areas.   Civil society will also have an important opportunity to influence the consultation process that the government will use to arrive at these commitments and monitor their implementation. Continue reading

County On It

There are many questions that one could ask about Kenya’s new draft County Governments Financial Management Bill, 2011 which can be found online here. The first is why this bill is even more voluminous (40 extra pages!) than the Public Financial Management Bill draft for central government. Another question is how these two bills will be made consistent, given that they are being drafted by different agencies working independently.

Fillip for Transparency

I will ask more questions after I finish reading the entire 131 pages. In the meantime, I wanted to note two very positive things about this draft. The first is an excellent transparency clause located on page 29, section 30.  This clause says that the County accounting officer must place on the county website a comprehensive list of documents including:

The annual budget

All budget-related documents

All budget-related policies

The county annual report

All performance contracts

All service delivery agreements

All long-term borrowing contracts

All supply chain management contracts above a certain value

All quarterly reports tabled in the assembly

The list goes on. It is also noted that these documents must be available no later than five days after they have been tabled in the county assembly.

Funds Follow Function

The second clause that I wanted to draw attention to is on page 34, section 39. This clause states that “[c]ounty governments shall, in line with the principle of funds must match and follow functions, be allocated sufficient funds to enable their performance of the functions allocated to them.” This is followed by a spectacular provision stating that “the national government and the county governments, shall… Accurately cost the functions assigned to each level of government to determine the exact financial resources to be allocated to each level of government.” This is critical to ensure that the central government does not dump responsibilities onto county governments without sufficient resources to execute those responsibilities.

Both of these clauses—the one dealing with transparency, and the other with the relationship between fund and function—address key issues which have been flagged by budget advocacy organizations around the world working at the subnational level.  It is extremely encouraging to see these provisions in the draft legislation.  It is to be hoped that clauses of this type and quality will remain in the final bill, and will also influence positively the Public Financial Management Law.

Ignoring Corruption’s Enablers: A Tanzanian Story

This post was written by Thokozile Madonko and Jennifer Sleboda of the International Budget Partnership

All too often reports in the media and public discourse about cases of government corruption overlook two root causes: the lack of budget transparency and weak oversight in the management of public resources.  This is certainly the case in Tanzania where over the last five years the media has played an increasingly active role in exposing specific cases of corruption.

Open Budget Index 2008

www.openbudgetindex.org

Country Score Level of information government provides to the public on how it manages public resources
South Africa 87% Extensive
Botswana 62% Significant
Kenya 57% Some
Tanzania 35% Minimal
Nigeria 19% Scant
Sudan 0% None

In recent months media reports of corruption in Tanzania have focused on the US$30 million that went missing from the Management of Natural Resources Programme (MNRP), which was funded by the Norwegian government and implemented by Tanzania’s Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism (MNRT).  In 2006 an evaluation by independent auditors revealed that almost half of the funds allocated to the program over a 12-year period may have been lost to corruption and mismanagement.  The Tanzanian public only learned of the case in early 2009 when the independent audit report was leaked to the media. The  disclosure of the report findings sparked a national debate on corruption in the use of foreign aid.  In June of this year the Tanzanian government agreed to refund 2.8 billion Tanzanian shillings (US$1.87 million) to the Norwegian government to settle the dispute over the embezzled funds.  The refund is provided for in Tanzania’s budget for 2010-2011.

The recent media coverage about the settlement misses a key point, namely, that such corruption cases are symptoms of deeper problems in the structure of public finance management in Tanzania.  Like many developing countries that scored poorly on the International Budget Partnership’s Open Budget Survey 2008 (OBS), which measured budget transparency in 85 countries, Tanzania provides only minimal budget information to the public and has weak oversight institutions.

In spite of the critical importance of budget transparency to public finance management, none of the Tanzanian media reports asks how, or whether,  the Norwegian and Tanzanian governments were reporting to their citizens on the use of the funds intended for the MNRP.  In the end the settlement of the corruption case appears to have worked out better for Norwegian citizens, since a small portion of the misused funds will be returned to them, while their poorer Tanzanian counterparts will lose out completely..  Due to Norway’s more powerful position as a donor, the country was able to suspend funding and institute an external audit into the use of the funds granted to the Tanzanian government and, ultimately, recoup some of the stolen funds.  In contrast Tanzanians find it difficult to hold their government accountable when public resources are misused due to the lack of budget transparency and weak oversight institutions in the country.

A key question that arises from this case is why an external audit of the MNRP was required in the first place.  Although Tanzania’s Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) audited the program on an annual basis and the CAG reports were reviewed by PriceWaterhouseCoopers (PWC) on behalf of the Norwegian Embassy, no major financial management problems were identified.  It was not until 2006, when the Norwegian Embassy and the MNRT conducted an evaluation of the program over the period 1994-2006, that critical financial management problems were uncovered.  It was then that the Norwegian Embassy appointed a team of independent auditors to carry out a comprehensive audit of the MNRP.  One of the key audit findings revealed that both internal and external oversight mechanisms did not perform well, i.e., the MNRT’s audit unit and the CAG, the Norwegian Embassy, and PWC.  Of most serious concern was that the CAG accepted all of the reports from the MNRT’s audit unit with only minor changes.

The fact that the Tanzanian CAG did not uncover critical financial management problems that led to the misuse of US$30 million in donor funds should not come as a surprise.  The findings of the 2008 OBS reveal that in countries that perform poorly on budget transparency, supreme audit institutions generally lack the necessary independence, authority, and resources to effectively carry out its role of monitoring the use of public funds.

Continuing financial management problems and weak oversight in Tanzania prompted donors that provide general budget support to the country to reduce their funding pledges by US$220 million for fiscal year 2010-2011.  The donors cited the slow pace of public financial management reforms as one of the key reasons for the cuts in funding and stated that the government’s weak performance on governance and accountability could affect future funding.

The media, as well as civil society and the public, needs to incorporate an analysis of the factors that create opportunities for corruption in their discussions and commentary on specific corruption cases, including the lack of budget transparency and weak oversight institutions.  Considering Tanzania’s heavy dependence on development aid — the country is one of Africa’s biggest per capita aid recipients — these problems could compromise the ability of the country to receive future aid disbursements and as a result hamper the Tanzanian government’s ability to deliver much needed services.

Hands in the Till